Executive Summary

Throughout 2021 - 2025, the Ansar Allah (Houthi) movement conducted an intensive campaign of arbitrary arrests targeting United Nations (UN) personnel, civil society actors, NGO workers, and former U.S. Embassy staff, accusing them of espionage and collaboration with foreign powers. Raids on UN and NGO offices led to the detention of at least 44 aid workers up until the start of October 2025, comprising 21 UN staff and 23 current and former staff from international NGOs. The number of detained UN staff increased in October, and again in December 2025, when the Houthis arrested 15 additional UN staff, bringing the total to 59 detainees. As of February 2026, reports indicate the Houthis were detaining 73 UN staff.

These arrests, accompanied by forced confessions and media smear campaigns, have disrupted humanitarian operations, forcing agencies to suspend programs, and leaving many Yemeni families without income. In the longer term, they have undermined donor confidence, restricted humanitarian access, and contributed to the deepening of Yemeni’s humanitarian crisis. The UN, United States, and human rights organizations have condemned the detentions as violations of international law.

In this report, the cases of the detained U.S. Embassy Yemeni staff, UN staff, and other humanitarian and aid workers are included to highlight a broad and ongoing pattern of arbitrary arrests by the Houthis. The incidents demonstrate the group’s continued use of fabricated accusations, coerced confessions, and intimidation against individuals connected to international institutions. Yemeni Archive’s investigation indicates that these detentions are not isolated events but parts of systematic policy aimed at restricting independent humanitarian work and limiting international engagement in Yemen.

Methodology

Yemeni Archive conducted an investigation based on multi-stage analysis of open-source materials. This included:

Collecting, preserving and analyzing 211 social media posts, digital visual and non-visual content, and reports from online platforms, including information on detainees from local and international organizations’ reports.
Reviewing official statements issued by the United Nations and relevant embassies, and joint statements from affected organizations, as well as news reports and social media posts documenting individual cases.
Verifying information by cross-referencing official reports, testimonies and family members’ testimonies when available, and reviewing allegations related to the arrests.
It is important to note that the documented incidents are the ones that Yemeni Archive was able to find and verify; there are likely to be further incidents that are not included in this report.
Yemeni Archive chose the timeline between 2021 and 2025 as it involved the most intense arrest campaigns; it is important to note that there were other campaigns conducted before and after that period.

For more information about Yemeni Archive’s research methodology, please visit our website.

Background

The Ansar Allah (Houthis) Movement seized Yemen’s capital city Sanaa in September 2014, expanding its control over most of northern Yemen. This triggered a Saudi-led military intervention in 2015, and a conflict that has since killed over 377,000 people through direct and indirect causes. Since consolidating power, the Houthis have tightly controlled most areas in the north of Yemen, frequently detaining opponents and critics under accusations of ‘espionage’ or collaboration with the enemy, according to Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. Those targeted since late-2014 have reportedly included journalists, former Yemeni staff at the US Embassy, aid workers, activists, and religious minorities, who have been arbitrarily arrested or forcibly disappeared by Houthi authorities, often on dubious spying charges.

*Map of the Houthi-controlled area as of October 2025. Source: Institute for the Study of War and AEI's Critical Threats Project via* *Reuters. Captured by Yemeni Archive on November 30, 2025.*

Humanitarian operations are lifeline services in Houthi-controlled areas, where millions of civilians rely on aid for basic survival. Roughly half of Yemen’s population - about 18 million people - depend on humanitarian assistance for food, water, and healthcare. International NGOs and UN agencies have maintained large aid programs in these areas to avert famine and disease, making their work crucial for the civilian population. However, the Houthis’ arrests of Yemeni staff of the UN and NGOs have negatively impacted these operations. Humanitarian groups CARE, Oxfam, and Save the Children have issued a joint statement warning that detaining aid workers not only violates international law but also obstructs access to vulnerable communities, as staff cannot safely do their jobs under threat of arbitrary arrest.

The Houthis have imposed harsh penalties, up to and including the death penalty, on individuals they label as spies or traitors. In September 2021, they drew international condemnation after publicly executing nine men in Sanaa by firing squad following a trial in a Houthi-run court. The nine were accused and convicted of aiding a Saudi airstrike that killed a Houthi leader; one of the accused was reportedly a 17-year-old boy at the time of the alleged offense. In April 2020, a Houthi court sentenced four journalists to death on charges of treason and spying, for reporting information deemed helpful to the Saudi-led coalition. In June 2024, Houthi authorities in Sanaa issued mass death sentences for 44 people accused of espionage, including the founder and CEO of Prodigy Systems, who had been working with international aid agencies to monitor relief projects. The CEO’s sentence was commuted to 15 years’ imprisonment, as were a small number of other cases (see below); Yemeni Archive did not find information indicating whether the other death sentences were carried out.

The Houthis have portrayed civil society activists, humanitarian workers, and other independent voices as enemies or spies, thereby eroding public sympathy for these groups, justifying their repressive measures, and silencing peaceful dissent. This campaign has been spread through official Houthi media outlets, religious sermons, and speeches by Houthi leaders, all reinforcing a narrative that foreign powers such as the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia are “infiltrating”.

Through Houthi-Affiliated Media Outlets

The media campaign, amplified by Houthi news outlets and social media platforms, paints Yemeni humanitarian staff and civil society activists as traitors working as fifth-column agents for hostile foreign powers. For example, a statement reported by the Yemen News Agency (Saba) in April 2017 called for public mobilization against “agents” and “the fifth column", framing them as internal enemies. By publicizing these sensational spy allegations, and one-sided “confessions,” the Houthi-run media has sought to turn public opinion against independent NGOs and justify the harsh crackdown on them.

In Friday Sermons and Mosque Gatherings

Houthi influence also extends into mosques where sympathetic preachers echo the same hostile narrative during Friday prayers. Imams appointed or guided by the Houthi authorities often use their pulpits to denounce international organizations and local civil society groups as cover for espionage. According to the September 26 platform, representatives of the Houthi-controlled Ministry of Religious Endowments instructed mosque clerics in Sanaa to speak about the alleged negative role of aid agencies during Friday sermons.

Dr. Mansour Al-Qudsi, a professor at Hudaydah and Taiz Universities, stated in an interview with Alhadath TV that some mosque preachers and certain Houthi leaders are conducting incitement against a select group of academic professors. Additionally, Houthi-affiliated mosque preachers have repeatedly incited against language-learning institutes during Friday sermons, accusing these institutes of spreading immorality and working to, as they claim, “erase the faith-based identity.”

In Speeches by Houthi Leaders

Houthi leaders themselves have openly characterized independent activists and aid personnel as enemies within, using speeches to legitimize arrests and even violent sentences. Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, the Houthi movement’s leader, has repeatedly warned of “espionage plots” and praised his security apparatus for unmasking alleged traitors. In a July 2024 address broadcast on Houthi media, he described the recently-detained UN and NGO workers as part of “espionage cells” working for America in Yemen, claiming these individuals were elements of a broader scheme of “corruption and infiltration” orchestrated by foreign adversaries.

Mohammed Ali al-Houthi - member of the Supreme Political Council - reinforced this narrative in official statements, asserting that U.S. and UN reactions to the arrests prove that the alleged espionage network had used humanitarian work as a cover. He accused Washington of desperation and claimed that the training and encrypted communication attributed to the detainees indicated CIA involvement, framing the case as part of a broader campaign targeting Yemen’s security.

On 16 October 2025, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi delivered a televised speech in which he again accused humanitarian and UN-affiliated organizations of operating as a cover for espionage and hostile activity inside Yemen. In his speech, he alleged that individuals within these organizations had been equipped with surveillance and communications-interception technology provided by the United States and Israel, describing their actions as part of a “criminal and aggressive role” targeting Yemen’s security. He further criticized the UN and humanitarian agencies for what he described as protecting those networks rather than holding them accountable, adding that no international law or UN charter permits espionage under humanitarian cover.

The Specialized Criminal Court

The Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) in Sanaa was originally established in 1999 under Presidential Decree No. 391 as a special judicial body mandated to handle cases involving kidnapping, banditry, organized crime, and later, state security-related offenses. After Houthi forces took control of Sanaa in late 2014, the court effectively came under the authority of the Houthis. Since then, local and international human rights organizations have documented a pattern in which the SCC has been used to prosecute journalists, activists, political opponents, and detainees in trials that lack basic fair-trial guarantees, including access to lawyers and adequate time to prepare a defense. Mwatana for Human Rights has reported that the SCC has been used for political and repressive purposes, including issuing death sentences in proceedings that lacked sufficient legal safeguards. According to the Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms, the SCC lacks constitutional and legal jurisdiction, and forms part of a judiciary controlled by a de facto authority not recognized internationally.

In November 2025, Judge Rabee’ al-Zubair, appointed by the Houthis to the SCC, issued mass death sentences and long term imprisonment rulings against several individuals (Yemeni Archive was not able to confirm whether the death sentences have been carried out). The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms reported that these decisions were delivered without basic fair-trial guarantees and amid allegations of coercion, torture, and the denial of defendants’ right to legal representation. The Network concluded that the court’s rulings are legally invalid and constitute serious violations of constitutional protections and international human rights standards.

*Screenshot from a post by the* *Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms* *on X showing Judge Rabee’ al-Zubair. Captured by Yemeni Archive on November 26, 2025.*

A post shared on Facebook by Mahmoud Al-Maghribi stated that the first session for pronouncing the verdict in the November 2025 trial was presided over by the court’s head judge, Yahya al-Mansour. The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms describes Judge Yahya Abdulkarim al-Mansour as one of the most prominent figures within the judiciary controlled by the Houthi authorities in Sanaa. They claim that he is widely referred to by rights groups as the "execution judge” due to his role in issuing mass death sentences that reportedly lack even the most basic guarantees of fair trial. Judge al-Mansour presides over the Houthi-run SCC and has overseen several high-profile cases, including a case which resulted in a death sentence against Adnan al-Harazi and other defendants; a total of 44 death sentences were issued in that single hearing (Yemeni Archive was not able to confirm whether they have been carried out). Adnan Al-Harazi previously served as the director of Prodigy Systems Inc, which is referenced in a later section of this report.

*Screenshot from a post by the* *Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms* *on X showing Judge Yahya Abdulkarim al-Mansour. Captured by Yemeni Archive on November 26, 2025.*

Timeline of Houthi Detentions

2019:

January: Arrest of Saferworld country director Ofaa Al-Naami by Houthis in Sanaa.

2021:

February: Houthis arrest six persons on espionage charges, and later release confession videos.

October: Dozens of former U.S. Embassy staff arrested in Sanaa.

November: Two UN staff detained in Sanaa.

2022:

May: Former U.S. Embassy and USAID employee Abdulhameed al-Ajami, dies after six months in custody.

2023:

January: Prodigy Systems founder Adnan Al-Harazi and six colleagues arrested.

September: Save the Children director of security and safety Hisham Al-Hakimi arrested in Sanaa.

October: Education experts arrested. Hisham Al-Hakimi dies in custody.

2024:
March: Education expert Sabri Al-Hakimi dies in custody.

June: Houthis arrest dozens of UN and NGO staff, and announce the dismantling of a CIA-Mossad spy network.

September: UN reduces activities in Houthi territory to protect staff, focusing only on life saving aid.

October: Education expert Mohammed Naj Khamash, arrested in June, dies in custody.

2025:

January: Houthis arrest more than 300 people in Sanaa governorate on espionage charges. Houthis also arrest seven UN staff.

February: UN pauses aid in Saada Governorate for security reasons. UN World Food Programme (WFP) worker Ahmed Ba’alawi dies in custody.

October: Houthis arrest ten more UN workers.

November: Houthis sentence seventeen individuals to death on charges of spying, and in a separate incident, Houthis storm the headquarters of Doctors Without Borders and the Red Cross.

December: Houthis arrest 12 aid workers, including eight from WFP, two from the UNDP, and two from UNDSS.

Arrests of U.S. Embassy Staff

In October 2021, Houthi authorities began a campaign of arrests against Yemeni staff who had previously worked for the U.S. Embassy in Sanaa. At least 22 individuals were reportedly detained, most of them part of the security staff still guarding the Embassy compound. Some were summoned under the pretext of meetings at the Sheraton Hotel before being taken, while others were arrested directly from their homes.

On 9 November 2021, the Yemen Republican Facebook page reported that Houthi forces carried out further arrests of former U.S. Embassy staff. Armed members raided the home of Abdulmuin Azzan, a former coordinator for the Middle East Partnership Initiative, and detained him along with his 17-year-old son and two of his friends: Jamil Ismail, an economic officer, and Hisham Al-Wazir, an employee with USAID. News articles reported that during the same period, Houthi forces breached the former U.S. Embassy compound in Sanaa’s Sheraton area, seizing equipment and property. These arrests brought the total number of detained Yemeni employees of the U.S. Embassy and USAID to at least 25.

Houthi leader Mohammed Ali Al‑Houthi dismissed international criticism, accusing the U.S. of abandoning its Yemeni staff by halting salary payments since 2019 and “betraying” its employees, in comments made following criticism of the detentions.

The U.S. Mission to Yemen released a statement condemning the Houthis’ detention and mistreatment of Yemeni Embassy staff and the breach of the compound, describing the actions as “a gross disregard of diplomatic norms” and “an affront to the international community.” The U.S. demanded the immediate release of all staff, the return of property, and the withdrawal of Houthi forces from the embassy compound.

On 23 November 2021, Aden Al-Ghad reported according to journalist Fares Al‑Hemiyari, that the Houthis had re-arrested three U.S. Embassy staff members, Abdulqader Al‑Saqqaf (former Political Advisor), Mohammed Shammakh (Procurement Officer), and Abdulhamid Al-Ajami (USAID employee), despite prior releases.

On 23 May 2022, a relative of Abdulhamid Al-Ajami confirmed his death through a social media post mourning his passing. Journalist Fares Al-Hemiyari reported on X that Al-Ajami died after nearly eight months in detention, with sources suggesting that he was tortured and prevented from using his prescribed medicine. Al-Hemiyari added that the victim’s family received a call from Houthi authorities to collect his body, but refused, demanding an autopsy.

*Photo of Abdulhamid Al-Ajami shared on X by* *Al-Hemiyari, captured by Yemeni Archive on October 8, 2025.*

The death of Abdulhamid Al-Ajami in Houthi detention prompted wide condemnation. U.S. State Department spokesperson Ned Price expressed deep sorrow, noting that Al-Ajami had been denied family contact during his final months; and reiterated demands for the release of all Yemeni staff still held by the Houthis. Muammar Al-Eryani - Minister of Information in the internationally recognized Yemeni government (IRG) - also denounced the killing, highlighting that several local U.S. Embassy employees remained in custody. USAID Administrator Samantha Power described Al-Ajami as a dedicated colleague who led the agency’s education portfolio in Yemen, calling his death “a complete outrage” and demanding accountability for those responsible.

According to journalist Fares Alhemyari, writing on X on 25 May 2022, twelve Yemeni staff members who worked at the U.S. Embassy in Sanaa remained detained by the Houthis, with some held for several months without any information about their whereabouts or conditions. As of 1 September 2025, the BBC reported that the Houthis had detained 20 Yemeni employees of the U.S. Embassy for the past three years.

Arrest of Prodigy Systems Staff

On 11 January 2023, Houthi security forces raided the headquarters of Prodigy Systems in Sanaa, arresting its director Adnan al-Harazi along with eleven employees, and seizing company property. A second company linked to al-Harazi, Medix Connect, was also raided and closed. Prodigy Systems, founded in 2006, had been contracted as a third-party monitoring organization for humanitarian projects implemented by agencies such as the World Food Programme and UNICEF. Its closure reportedly left hundreds of staff and contractors without work, affecting the livelihoods of their families.

While most detained staff were gradually released over the following months, al-Harazi remained in custody. According to documents posted to Facebook by Prodigy Systems employees, despite formal communications and judicial directives from Yemeni prosecutors and members of parliament affiliated with the Houthi authorities calling for al-Harazi’s release and the reopening of the companies, the detentions and closures continued.

In June 2024, following a series of court hearings, the Specialized Criminal Court in Sanaa sentenced Al-Harazi to death and ordered the confiscation of both companies. He faced charges of conspiring with foreign states at war with Yemen (the USA and UK) and of collaborating with international organizations, including Maestral, the World Bank, the British Council, and Maastricht University. The ruling came despite defense testimony and documentation presented in court that, according to observers, challenged the basis of the charges. On 25 April 2025, the same court commuted the death sentence to 15 years’ imprisonment, while upholding the confiscation of al-Harazi’s personal assets and company property.

*Photo of Adnan Al-Harazi shared on X by Yemeni journalist* *Anees Jahlani, captured by Yemeni Archive on October 8, 2025.*

Arrests of Other Aid Workers

On 28 January 2019, Houthi authorities in Sanaa arrested Ofaa al-Naami, country director of Saferworld, after she had been summoned to the National Security Bureau. Al-Naami remained in detention for three weeks before being released following interventions by various parties, including the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, Martin Griffiths.

In November 2019, Houthi security personnel detained an international aid worker at Sanaa airport. During the same month, Houthis also detained two Jordanian nationals, Thamer Quteishat and Hamdi Milhem. The Jordanian detainees were held for several days before being released following what the Jordanian Foreign Ministry described as “extensive efforts.”

On 9 September 2023, Hisham al-Hakimi, Director of Safety, Security, and Government Relations at Save the Children’s Yemen office, was arrested by Houthi authorities in Sanaa. He was detained for 48 days, during which he was denied family visits and legal representation, and was never formally charged with any crime.

*Photo of Hisham Al-Hakimi shared on X by Yemeni journalist* *Samia Al-Aghbari, captured by Yemeni Archive on October 8, 2025.*

On 26 October 2023, Save the Children confirmed that al-Hakimi had died in detention, reportedly under the custody of the Houthi intelligence services. Despite repeated calls from 25 organizations both local and international urging clarity and accountability, no official explanation has emerged from the Houthi authorities.

In the same month, Mujib al-Mikhlafi, Mohammed Hatem al-Mikhlafi and Sabri Al-Hakimi were also arrested. According to Amnesty International, in an ‘Urgent Action’ post issued in May 2024, Mujib Al-Mikhlafi is a Yemeni education expert and trainer who worked at the Ministry of Education in Sanaa. His family later learned through the complaints department of the Houthi intelligence agency that he was being held in one of its detention facilities in Sanaa, where he remains. (Mujib’s televised confessions, aired by the Houthis, will be discussed in a section below.) Sabri al-Hakimi was reported to have died in Houthi custody on 25 March 2024 at the Political Security prison.

The year 2024 witnessed a sharp escalation in the risks faced by humanitarian and development workers. From 6 June 2024 onward, social media accounts and websites, including those of activists, journalists, and local and international organizations, reported that Houthi security forces had launched a series of raids in Sanaa and elsewhere targeting Yemeni employees of the UN and international NGOs. Reports about the number of detainees varied. Some sources indicated that 18 staff and aid workers were arrested, while other accounts mentioned 11 UN employees or a total of 16 detainees.

These detainees included, for example, Sami Lutfi Al-Katabi, an employee of the Office of the UN Special Envoy to Yemen. On 6 June 2024, according to his wife Huda Al-Raadi’s Facebook post, armed men stormed the home of Sami Al-Kalabi, and took him to an unknown location without stating any charges or accusation. She later stated that his family had no information on his whereabouts for months, and appealed repeatedly for his release.

On 13 July 2025, journalist Fares Alhemyari reported that Al-Kalabi was being held in a Houthi-run Security and Intelligence prison in Sanaa and was suffering from trigeminal neuralgia, a condition possibly linked to mistreatment and denial of medical care in detention. As of the latest open-source information shared, Al-Kalabi remains in Houthi custody.

Of the UN and NGO staff reportedly arrested in June 2024, Yemeni Archive identified the names and employers listed below by cross-referencing multiple sources.

Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR):

Waddah Aoun – Head of Information Technology

Ibrahim Zaidan – OHCHR Coordinator in Hajjah Governorate

Firas al-Sayaghi

Mohammed al-Shami

Mohammed Abu Sha‘ra

Samira Balah – Field Coordinator in Hudaydah

Office of the UN Special Envoy (OSESGY):

Sami Al-Katabi (described above)

United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF):

One staff member (name not disclosed)

World Food Programme (WFP):

One staff member (name not disclosed)

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA):

Three local employees (names not disclosed)

National Democratic Institute (NDI):

Murad Dhafer - Deputy Director

One additional staff member (name not disclosed)

Social Fund for Development (SFD):

Wissam Qaed (British-Yemeni) – Deputy Director General

Mohammed Dhamran – Head of Information Department

Other organizations:

Abdulhakim al-Afiri – Deputy Executive Director, Partners Yemen

Asim Al-Ashari – Director of Research and Public Policy, Raneen Foundation

Sarah Al-Fayeq – Executive Director, Civil Peace Coalition

Mohammed Al-‘Aqil – Financial and administrative officer at DeepRoot, a development organization (reportedly released on 19 November 2024)

According to Al-Nedaa news website, the arrest campaign extended beyond staff of international organizations to include officials within Houthi-run government institutions. Those reported detained included Ahmed al-Nuno, Deputy Minister of Education; Dr. Ali al-Mudhwahi, Advisor to the Minister of Health; and Labib Shaif, a senior expert involved in drafting the Houthis’ “National Vision” plan.

On 23 October 2024, local media and rights monitors reported the death in Houthi custody of Mohammed Naji Khamash, 55, Director-General of Basic and Secondary Education at the Ministry of Education. He had been detained in June 2024 and held in the Political Security prison in Sanaa. His family was later contacted by authorities to collect his body. According to journalist Mohammed Aldhabyani, Khamash’s health had deteriorated due to denial of medical care and alleged mistreatment. Houthi authorities, however, reportedly claimed that the cause of death was a heart attack. The Human Rights Office in Sanaa, a local body affiliated with the Houthis, also condemned the incident, describing it as part of a wider campaign of arbitrary detentions and abuses.

Arrests of UN Workers

On 10 June 2024, days after a series of arrests of UN and NGO staff, head of the Houthi-run Security and Intelligence Service Abdulhakim Al-Khiwani announced the arrest of what he described as an “American-Israeli spy network.” According to his statement, the network had allegedly carried out espionage and sabotage activities for decades, including information gathering across security, military, economic, and social sectors, with some members previously working under diplomatic cover at the U.S. Embassy in Sanaa.

In August 2025, Houthi forces raided UN offices in Sanaa and Hudaydah, detaining at least 11 UN staff, according to UN Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg. The raids, which targeted agencies including the WFP, World Health Organization (WHO), and UNICEF, occurred shortly after an Israeli airstrike that killed Houthi Prime Minister Ahmed al-Rahawi. The WFP later stated that since 31 August 2025, at least 21 additional UN staff members had been detained, bringing the total number of aid workers under Houthi custody to 44, including 21 WFP employees. By 16 September, the UN had moved its Resident Coordinator’s office from Sanaa to Aden.

As of 6 October 2025, Yemen Now reported that the Houthi arrest campaign remained ongoing, targeting several Yemeni employees working with UN agencies and international organizations in Sanaa. Journalist Fares Alhemyari reported that Houthi security forces arrested Ramzi Abdulqawi Saleh Al-Fardi, the Administrative Affairs Officer at the WFP office in Saada Governorate, and Ghassan Rushdi, who worked with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). A Houthi security unit, accompanied by members of the Zainabiyat (an all-female security unit affiliated with the Houthis, reported to be involved in policing, surveillance, and detention activities, particularly in relation to women), reportedly raided Al-Fardi’s home in the Artel area, south of Sanaa. Alhemyari’s source claimed that the forces searched the house for nearly six hours before taking Al-Fardi to an undisclosed location and confiscating personal belongings.

In a related incident in Sanaa, the Houthis reportedly also arrested Yemeni employee Mohammed Mahyoub Al-Musawir, a Local Security Assistant with the UN Department of Safety and Security (UNDSS). According to local sources, Houthi forces raided his home on Baghdad Street at around 7:00 a.m., searching the residence until 11:00 a.m. before taking him to an unknown location.

Additional names identified by Alhemyari in the same few days include Ahmed Dhibyan from the UNDSS, Mahmoud Saeed Othman, a Security and Safety Officer at UNICEF, and Rabea Al-Shaibani, a Protocol Officer with the UN Development Programme (UNDP).

Marib Press, citing Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms, also reported the death of Abdullah Ahmed Shamsan Al-Akhaly, a former employee of the UNHCR in Sanaa, where he previously worked in the Information Technology department before his position was terminated several months prior. Al-Akhaly died of a heart attack in October 2025, reportedly exacerbated by severe fear and anxiety over the possibility of being abducted by Houthi authorities.

*Screenshot from* *Basha Report’s X account* *showing Mohammed Mahyoub Al-Musawir on the left and Ramzi Abdulqawi Saleh Al-Fardi on the right. Captured by Yemeni Archive on October 8, 2025.*

On 7 October 2025, UN spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric announced that the total number of UN personnel held by the Houthis had risen to 54 since 2021. Dujarric explained that the whereabouts of the detained staff remained unknown, and that the UN had not been granted any direct access to them despite repeated requests.

In the televised speech by Abdul-Malik al-Houthi (mentioned above), he accused the head of safety and security at the WFP of involvement in identifying coordinates that allegedly led to the targeting of the Houthi-run government on 28 August 2025. He further accused staff members of international organizations and UN agencies of acting as espionage cells, claiming that his group possessed evidence supporting these allegations.

On 18 December 2025, journalist Fares Alhemyari reported that armed Houthi security forces, accompanied by members of the Zainabiyat, raided four homes of Yemeni employees working with UN agencies. According to the post the employees were taken to undisclosed locations. On the same day, Alhemyari shared an update citing a private source, which stated that Houthis arrested five Yemeni employees working with several UN agencies in Sanaa. On 20 December, Alhemyari published the names of 12 humanitarian workers reportedly arrested, including eight staff members affiliated with the WFP: Maamoun Shujaa Al-Din, Ahmed Hamaid Al-Din, Nasser Al-khawlani, Aziz Al-Jardari, Zaher Al-Dali, Marwan Jaradah, Suleiman Al-Ghuwaizi, and Fathi Omar, most of whom worked as drivers or in logistics and programme support. Also reportedly detained were two UN department of Safety and Security (UNDSS) staff, Mohammed Saleh Al-Dhubi and Imad Al-Sharif; and two UN Development Programme (UNDP) employees, Dr. Mohammed Abdul-Mughni and Majed Al-Sayaghi.

Confession Videos

As part of their arrest campaign, the Houthis have on multiple occasions published videos purporting to show confessions by arrested persons. The accusations and confessions presented in the videos could not be independently verified. Yemeni Archive was unable to determine the conditions under which the statements were recorded or whether they were made voluntarily. Accordingly, the videos are referenced for documentation purposes only, and should not be treated as independently verified evidence of the claims presented within them.

February 2021

On 23 February 2021, Houthi media outlets began broadcasting video clips purportedly showing individuals giving confessions, in which they were presented as working for British intelligence. The individuals had reportedly been assigned surveillance tasks in Al-Mahra, Al-Ghaydha, and in Saada. They stated that these tasks involved photographing suspected missile sites, workshops, and Houthi positions, and that they sent images to their contacts and received monthly payments of about $300. The individuals shown in the videos were identified as Arafat Qasim Ahmed Abdullah Al-Hashdi (31, Sanaa), Salim Yahya Abdullah Hussein Habeesh (28, Sanaa), Ali Mohammed Abdullah Al-Ja’mani (34, Sanaa), Basem Ali Ali Ahmed Al-Kharoja (29, Sanaa), Ayman Mujahid Qaed Mohammed Hareesh (21, Sanaa), and Mohammed Sharaf Qaed Mohammed Hareesh (25, Sanaa).

Four months later, in July 2021, the Houthi-run Specialized Criminal Court in Sanaa sentenced five of the individuals to death and one to prison, on charges of espionage and sabotage. In January 2026, the Specialized Criminal Division in the Capital Secretariat reportedly upheld the death sentence against three of the defendants; commuted one death sentence to 15 years’ imprisonment; and dismissed the fifth individual’s appeal, which indicates that their death sentence is still in effect.

June 2024

On 10 June 2024, the Houthis began releasing another set of videos of what they described as “the spies’ confessions,” featuring former U.S. Embassy employees who had been arrested two and a half years earlier.

Jamil Abdu Mohammed Al-Faqih: a former employee of the U.S. Embassy, who in his alleged confession described work for the Embassy’s economic section. He mentioned gathering sensitive economic information on the Central Bank, oil revenues, state finances, and foreign currency flows, and of recruiting sources inside key institutions to support what was described as an “economic war” on Yemen.

Abdelkader All-Saqqaf: in his alleged confession he described his work for the U.S. Embassy’s cultural and later political section. He said he was tasked with reporting on political parties, parliament members, and wider aspects of Yemeni society, while also building networks of sources and training youth and women. According to his account, this information was passed on to senior levels outside Yemen.

Abdulmein Azzan: in his alleged confession he described his work first with the U.S. Embassy in Sanaa and later with other organizations. He said he was transferred in 2015 to a company called “Labs,” where he provided information until its closure in 2017, and afterward prepared reports on the Houthis for the U.S. Department of Defense. According to his account, he later became director of the NGO Dar al-Salam, through which he was connected to a U.S.-based Jewish organization that collected information on religious sects, tribes, and conflicts in Yemen. He further said that in 2019 he worked with the UN OHCHR in Sanaa, where information on military and political developments was gathered under the cover of human rights monitoring. He also claimed to have maintained direct contact with an Israeli intelligence officer, to whom he said he provided regular reports and coordinates.

Jamal Al-Sharaabi: in his alleged confession he described his work for the U.S. Embassy’s political and economic section. He said he was tasked with monitoring political, human rights, security, and military developments, preparing reports on what he described as “newly emerging actors/shadow authorities”, and assisting embassy officers with annual human rights reporting. According to his account, in 2014 he also provided political and military updates to a deputy in the embassy’s political section.

Hisham al-Wazir: in his alleged confession he said he began working at the U.S. Embassy in 2009, first in the Embassy’s political and economic section and later with USAID. He stated that his duties included gathering political, economic, and military information; maintaining ties with traders and officials; and reporting on developments such as the Houthis’ entry into Sanaa and later the war in southern governorates.

Shaif Hufdallah al-Hamdani: in his alleged confession he said he began working with U.S. development programs in late 1998. He stated that he first engaged with the American Cultural Center and later USAID, where his role included designing monitoring and evaluation systems and supporting budget allocations. According to his account, these activities also involved gathering information on military, economic, and political developments. He further claimed to have been tasked with sensitive assignments, including transferring a Central Bank code from Sanaa to Aden.

Mohammed Al-Waziza: in his alleged confession he said he began working at the U.S. Embassy in Sanaa in 2007. He stated that he was first assigned to the U.S. Citizens Service Unit and later to other government-related offices, including immigration, passports, and political security. According to his account, he was later involved in embassy security work and projects funded by U.S. institutions, where he said he handled data collection and transmission. In the same video, other testimonies against Al-Waziza described him as a long-serving consular employee regarded as highly dedicated and close to U.S. intelligence agencies. They alleged that he was trusted in sensitive security tasks, trained in investigative techniques in the United States, and even assisted with polygraph examinations inside the embassy.

Mohammed Al-Kharashi: a former employee of the U.S. Embassy, who in his alleged confession described his work in the security section. He said he assisted in training Yemeni counterterrorism units affiliated with the [IRG-affiliated] Central Security Forces; provided databases of locations in Sanaa; and facilitated contacts between local engineers and U.S. security officers in exchange for money. He also claimed he transmitted photographs of Saudi airstrikes in Sanaa.

Bassam Al-Mardahi: in his alleged confession he said he was recruited while working in the U.S. Embassy in Sanaa. He stated that after 2014 he moved from human resources to the office of local investigators under the regional security section. According to his account, he recruited contacts within the Ministry of Interior, the National Security Bureau, the judiciary, and civil registry offices, and also gathered information on several companies.

Amer Al-Aghbari: in his alleged confession he said he worked with U.S. development programs, and that his tasks included spreading agricultural pests and pesticides in different governorates, alongside collecting information of interest to American officials. According to his account, he continued cooperating with U.S. projects over the years while carrying out activities aimed at weakening Yemen’s agricultural sector.

A December 2025 post by Samia Al-Aghbari, citing Amer Al-Aghbari’s son, stated that Al-Aghbari, a former U.S. Embassy employee and UNICEF staff member, was arrested in Sanaa on 29 October 2021. The following day, Houthi forces reportedly raided his home and confiscated a USD 1.08 million UNICEF check allocated for an education project.

The confession videos also included documents that the Houthis claimed were evidence of the individuals’ dealings with the CIA and Israel. The recordings further showed detainees testifying against one another, with closing statements from individuals who alleged knowledge of the accused person’s espionage activities. Yemeni Archive could not independently verify these documents or claims, or the circumstances under which the confessions were obtained.

The release of Houthi-produced confession videos sparked widespread criticism and skepticism. IRG Minister of Information Muammar Al-Eryani strongly condemned the confession videos, describing them as fabricated propaganda targeting respected academics, experts, and staff of diplomatic and international missions. He argued that the recordings reflected a pre-planned narrative designed to portray Yemen as a theater of foreign intelligence activity prior to the Houthi takeover, and stressed that the detainees were innocent professionals subjected to enforced disappearance, torture, and reputational harm. Al-Eryani called on the international community to take a firm stance and pressure the Houthis to release all arbitrarily detained staff.

Similarly, Mustafa Nasr, director of the Yemen Studies & Economic Media Center, dismissed the videos as fabricated and absurd. He pointed out that some detainees had retired or left their posts long before the Houthis seized power, and criticized the alleged evidence presented, such as screenshots from Al-Masirah TV and claims about agricultural sabotage. Nasr highlighted the pressure placed on families during years of detention to not speak out or share information about them.

Al-Marsah News described the alleged confessions as a “Houthi play,” asserting that the charges were fabricated to justify arbitrary arrests of former U.S. Embassy staff and employees of international organizations. The outlet highlighted the contradictory and exaggerated accusations.

November 2025

On 8 November 2025, Houthi-affiliated channel Al-Masirah published another series of recorded “confessions”, from individuals the channel described as members of an espionage network linked to U.S., Israeli, and Saudi intelligence services. In the footage, the individuals describe receiving trainings in Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and Ethiopia, including sessions they claimed were conducted by foreign intelligence officers. Several stated that they were instructed in the use of concealed cameras including car-remote devices; live-broadcast tools; network-sniffing applications; and programs for mapping, geolocating, and transmitting coordinates. One individual, identified in the video as Bashir Ali Mahdi, said he participated in trainings in Addis Ababa and Jordan through civil society programs affiliated, according to his account, with organizations such as the International Republican Institute (IRI), Dar Al-Salam Organization, Partners Yemen, and the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy (ICRD). He further claimed that some activities were carried out under the cover of a local NGO named Botra for Sustainable Development. Other speakers, identified as Dheyfallah Saleh, Majdi Mohammed Hussein, Anas Ahmed Saleh, Sanan Abdulaziz Ali, and Ali Ali Ahmed, described being summoned to Riyadh or Cairo to receive similar trainings, including how to conduct reconnaissance on residential buildings, describe entry and exit points, document security presence, prepare detailed reports, and use GPS tracking tools. According to the video, the individuals also said they were provided with phones pre-loaded with specialized applications, laptops, remote-control cameras, transmitters, and portable modems. As with all similar material, Yemeni Archive cannot independently verify the authenticity of the recorded statements, the conditions in which they were made, or the accuracy of the claims presented in the video.

In September 2025, a social media post (now offline, but archived) by a family member of one of the detainees had stated that their relative had been missing for more than six months in a prison in Sanaa; that they did not know the charges against him or his location; and that they had not been allowed to visit or contact him (Yemeni Archive has withheld the identity of the family member and removed a direct link to the post). This post, shared weeks before the release of the Al-Masirah video, indicates that the family may have had no information about his whereabouts or legal status during the period in which the recorded confessions were later broadcast.

Yemeni Archive was unable to identify any open-source information about the other individuals who appeared in the video, despite conducting name-based searches across publicly available platforms.

On 22 November 2025, Facebook accounts published posts stating that the Specialized Criminal Court in Sanaa had issued death sentences against 17 defendants in the same case linked to the alleged espionage network featured in the Al-Masirah video mentioned above. According to Ahmed Obeid and Muhammad Aziz’s Facebook accounts and Al Marsa News, the names of the convicted, who reportedly received death sentences to be carried out by firing squad in a public square, were: Imad Shayea Ezz al-Din Al-Sultan, Ali Mathna Nasser Al-Hazri, Abdulrahman Adel Dhimran, Dhayf Allah Saleh Zawqam, Ali Ahmed Al-Siyani, Farouq Ali Hazam Al-Adhri, Bashir Ali Mahdi Saifan, Khalid Qassem Al-Sa’eedi, Nasser Ali Al-Shaybah (reported as fleeing), Anas Ahmed Salman Al-Wasabi, Mujahid Mohammed Ali Rajeh, Ali Ali Ahmed Al-Samadi, Hammoud Hassan Hammoud Al-Sarihi, Majdi Mohammed Hassan Al-Abed, Naif Yaseen Abdullah Al-Athouri, Basem Hussein Saleh Al-Habashi, and Sinan Abdulaziz Ali Saleh Al-Wushadhah. The same posts stated that two additional defendants, Huda Ali Nasser Al-Muzna’i and Bakel Abdullah Al-Masawi, received prison sentences of ten and three years respectively, while Elyas Farouq Ali Rajeh Al-Adhri and Ali Ali Dughshar Mutahar were reportedly acquitted.

According to Al-Masdar Online, a fast-tracked trial moved 21 detainees toward an imminent verdict after only ten days of proceedings. Court sessions began on 9 November 2025 (the day after the confession videos were published) and, after just four hearings, the case was reserved for judgment. Al-Masdar Online reported that detainees were denied basic fair-trial guarantees, including the right to legal representation and adequate time to prepare a defence. During the period of the trial, Houthi media outlets published approximately seventeen video segments claiming to show confessions, with some overlap with the previous November video.

A news report by Alhadath Yemen stated that the SCC concealed the family names of several individuals sentenced to death, a move Yemeni sources said was intended to avoid public backlash. According to the report, among the seventeen individuals sentenced to death was a Major General Ali Ahmed Al-Siyani, former Director of the Military Intelligence Directorate under the former President Ali Abdullah Saleh. The ruling also included Abdulrahman Adel Dhimran, the son of the former Minister of Electricity and a senior figure in the General People’s Congress (GPC); as well as Imad Shayea Mohammed Ezz al-Din, the brother of the paramount sheikh of Raymah Governorate.

Yemeni Archive searched for open-source information related to the 19 names circulated of those who were sentenced to death or prison. According to a Facebook post by Saad al-Dhabibi, Imad Shayea, the son of the late Sheikh Shayea, suffers from severe psychological and physical conditions; he reportedly has a long-standing cognitive injury from an old gunshot wound to the head.

A post by Fahd Taleb al-Sharafi stated that Dhaif Allah Saleh Zoqom, an employee at the Ministry of Education in Saadah Governorate, had no political affiliations or activities.

Another post, by Hilal Mohammed al-Saidi, reported that Khaled Qasim al-Saidi, from Raymah Governorate, worked as a civilian security guard at a commercial shop in Sanaa and focussed on supporting his family, who depended on him. The post alleges that he was detained by Houthi authorities during Ramadan, held for one year, and later issued a death sentence on espionage charges, despite reportedly having no connection to political activity.

A post by Mohd Amin shared that Naif Yaseen al-Athwary, a 26 year old who lost his father, was the sole provider for his family. He reportedly operated a small local internet network in a neighborhood in Sanaa and worked to support his mother and siblings. According to the post, Naif was arrested along with his younger brother at the end of Ramadan, and was detained for five months without the family knowing his place of detention or the charges against him. The family later learned he was accused of spying, allegedly because he would go onto rooftops to adjust internet coverage, described by the poster as a routine task for network operators but interpreted by authorities as ‘sending coordinates’.

According to Yemeni news website Crater Sky, Huda Ali Nasser, aged 22, from Ibb Governorate, completed secondary school and worked in graphic design and female wedding photography. She was not known to have any connection to international organizations or political entities. Despite this, she was reportedly accused of ‘communicating with a taxi driver’, a charge described as fabricated, which resulted in a ten-year prison sentence. A Facebook post by Akrm Daraan published further claims regarding Huda’s case, alleging that surveillance cameras were found in a residence rented by a suspect named Nasser al-Shaybah. The poster stated that when the main suspect fled, authorities used Huda’s photograph and identity in his place, noting that Huda is a secondary-school graduate from a low-income family, and claiming that money-transfer records showed she had not received any payments from the accused individuals or from any foreign entity.

Yemeni Archive did not find open-source information related to the other names that were shared online in relation to the November 2025 confession videos and death sentences.

Responses

The detention of humanitarian and diplomatic staff by Houthi authorities has drawn repeated international condemnation and operational responses.

Condemnations and Statements

Between October 2022 and October 2025, the United States repeatedly condemned the detentions of former US Embassy employees and UN staff, through statements issued by the U.S. Mission to Yemen and the State Department. These statements described the arrests as unjustified; criticized the use of forced confessions and fabricated evidence; and reaffirmed efforts to secure the unconditional release of detainees.

Similarly, international and multilateral actors issued repeated condemnations. Joint statements - such as the June 2024 declaration at the UN on behalf of more than 40 countries, and the September 2024 statement by the United States, United Kingdom, Yemen’s Internationally Recognized Government (IRG) and several other states - called for the immediate and unconditional release of detainees and emphasized the need for safe humanitarian operations.

IRG Minister of Information Muammar al-Eryani described the Houthis’ campaign of arrests as systematic and exploitative, calling for the UN to relocate its offices and agencies from Sanaa to Aden.

At the UN level, the issue was raised in multiple forums. During UN Security Council discussions (including on 23 July 2024 and 13 February 2025), members condemned the Houthis’ arbitrary detentions and a death in custody, and reiterated calls for release. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights reported in September 2024 on the 17 UN staff who remained arbitrarily detained, some with unknown whereabouts. An additional condemnation was issued in 2025 by the UN Secretary-General.

Human rights organizations echoed these concerns, for example in July 2024, Amnesty International condemned what they described as a “chilling wave of arrests” targeting the humanitarian community.

Actions and Policy Responses

In parallel with these condemnations, several reported actions were undertaken:

In January 2025, the United States redesignated the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO).

Operationally, the United Nations and international NGOs adjusted their presence in Yemen. Following the June 2024 wave of detentions, the UN suspended non-life-saving operations in Houthi-controlled areas. After the death of a World Food Programme staff member in custody in February 2025, a further suspension of operations in Saada Governorate was announced, reflecting the deteriorating security environment.

Diplomatic engagement was also pursued. In December 2024, WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus travelled to Sanaa to negotiate the release of UN staff detainees. A June 2025 joint UN-INGO statement confirmed that a limited number of detainees had been released under international pressure, although open-source information does not clarify the conditions, scope, or identities of those released.

Broader Impact

The detentions of UN and NGO personnel have disrupted operations, led to the suspensions of aid activities in some areas, and led the UN to relocate its coordinator’s office from Sanaa to Aden. The crackdown has had significant effects on Yemen’s civil society and humanitarian oversight. Many of those arrested were directly involved in aid delivery or monitoring. One notable example is the arrest (mentioned above) of Adnan al-Harazi, whose detention affected a company employing hundreds of staff working in monitoring and evaluation for aid organizations and UN agencies. In addition, the detentions contributed to growing hesitation among donors to support programmes in Houthi-controlled areas, for example in the case of the German development agency GIZ that began shutting down its aid and development programmes in these areas.

New arrests have increased risks for staff still operating in Houthi-controlled areas, making staff safety and programme continuity more difficult. The UN warned that such actions could endanger humanitarian operations in Yemen and undermine the ability to deliver aid to millions in need. These developments are taking place within the context of a severe humanitarian crisis, with an estimated 19.5 million people in Yemen requiring humanitarian assistance, including millions facing food insecurity and displacement.

The detention of aid workers has also left Yemeni families without income. These detentions have had direct consequences for the families of detained and dismissed staff, many of whom relied on humanitarian-sector jobs as their only source of income.

Within the humanitarian sector, there is growing disagreement over whether aid operations should continue in Houthi-controlled areas. Several current and former UN staff told Reuters that the failure of UN agencies to establish firm boundaries with the Houthis has effectively enabled the group’s systematic diversion of aid. These staff members said UN agencies have long been aware that food-security data from Houthi areas is compromised. The UN has directed billions of dollars in aid to Yemen since 2015, with most food assistance intended for populations living under Houthi control. These and other testimonies from displaced Yemenis and aid workers, some dating back to 2018-19, claim that Houthi authorities have manipulated aid recipient lists; pressured civilians to demonstrate political loyalty in exchange for food; and diverted assistance to feed their own fighters. This interference ultimately forced WFP to pause food distributions in Houthi-run areas in 2023 after failing to secure guarantees for transparent and accurate targeting.

Conclusion

The Houthi campaign of detentions against civil society workers, UN staff, and former U.S. Embassy employees represents a severe threat to humanitarian and civil society operations in Houthi-controlled areas. Based on the open-source information available about these arrests, it appears that they have evolved into a sustained policy and are being used as a tool of control and propaganda for external and internal leverage.

The humanitarian fallout has been profound. The loss of local staff, and the suspension of key programs, has worsened the already-dire conditions facing millions of people in areas controlled by the Houthis. Moving forward, the international community faces the challenge of balancing continued humanitarian engagement with accountability and protection for staff. De facto authorities have obligations to protect and support civil society and aid work, and are legally accountable for their actions. Sustainable and sufficient aid delivery in Houthi-controlled areas may hinge on securing guarantees for the safety and independence of humanitarian personnel, as well as the unconditional release of all detained staff. Without such measures, Yemen’s humanitarian crisis risks deepening further.

Legal Analysis

The aim of this short legal analysis is to help convey the potential illegality of the documented actions under Yemeni law, particularly in response to the narratives promoted by Ansar Allah (Houthi) authorities within the communities affected by the campaigns described in this report. It also seeks to provide an accessible summary of the domestic legal framework through which these practices may be understood and discussed.

This analysis addresses the legal implications of a number of documented practices, including possible violations of the rights to freedom of association and protection from attacks on reputation, as well as unlawful arrests, enforced disappearances, and torture. The publication of filmed “confessions” of detainees is also considered to be possible defamation and violations of the presumption of innocence.

Possible violations of the rights to freedom of association and protection from attacks on reputation

Both international law and domestic Yemeni law recognise the rights to freedom of association and protection from attacks on reputation. The actions committed by Ansar Allah (the Houthis) against the CSOs in Yemen, as set out in this investigation report, stand in contradiction to these protections and appear designed to create a public narrative and sentiment of animosity that would justify the subsequent detention of civil society actors.

Article 6 of the Yemeni Constitution affirms the State’s commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), and to international treaties ratified by Yemen such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantee the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms, including freedom of association (UDHR, Article 20; ICCPR, Article 22) and protection from attacks on reputation (UDHR, Article 12; ICCPR, Article 17).

Yemen’s Law on Associations and Foundations No. 1 of 2001 also guarantees the protection of civil and non-governmental work. Article 3 of the law provides for the encouragement of associations and foundations and guarantees their right to carry out their activities freely and independently. Article 69 criminalises acts aimed at harming the reputation of an association or foundation, undermining its leadership bodies, or obstructing its activities and operations, whether committed by individuals inside or outside of the organisation.

The targeted organisations and individuals set out in this report should have been afforded protection by these provisions. Yet, despite complying with the legal procedures regulating their work, and additional requirements imposed by the Ansar Allah (Houthi) authorities, Yemeni Archive has found that civil society actors were subjected to systematic campaigns of reputational attacks, involving accusations of treason, espionage, and collaboration with foreign actors.

Such acts, aimed at harming the reputation of civil society actors and humanitarian organisations, may be in violation of Yemen’s Law on Associations and Foundations, and may amount to a crime under Article 69 of that law. Further, these campaigns created a hostile environment that paved the way for subsequent arrests and apparent violations of both Yemeni and international law.

Possible violations of the rights of detainees: Unlawful arrests, enforced disappearances and torture

As shown in this investigation report, following the efforts to cause reputational damage to CSOs and humanitarian organisations in Yemen, Ansar Allah (the Houthis) commenced a systematic campaign of arbitrary arrests and detention of individuals working with those organisations. These acts may amount to violations of Yemeni law.

Under Yemeni law, the legislature has not enacted a specific provision criminalising “enforced disappearance” as an independent offence, and the term itself does not explicitly appear in the applicable domestic legislation. However, this legislative gap does not necessarily mean that the Yemeni legal framework lacks protections against practices of enforced disappearance. The Yemeni Constitution, together with several provisions contained in domestic criminal and procedural laws, provides a set of legal safeguards that may collectively form a basis for addressing acts amounting to enforced disappearance and for pursuing accountability for those responsible.

The Yemeni Constitution guarantees personal liberty and prohibits restrictions on freedom except in accordance with the law. Article 48 of the Constitution provides that no person may be arrested or detained except pursuant to a decision of a competent court of law, or if caught in the act (in flagrante delicto), while guaranteeing detainees’ legal rights during detention and investigation.

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Houthi Arrest Campaigns against Civil Society

Table Of Contents

INVESTIGATIONS